The Role of Culture in Conflict Resolution

The Role of Culture in Conflict consequenceCASE OF DAGBON IN GHANAThe inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made infringe something una forfendable as it has come to reddentu tot on the wholeyy be part of the design routine of human mixer inter constituteion. Ethnic battles and civil wars continue to afflict mevery African countries especially in the last deuce decades. on that point argon growing concerns nigh the imp suffices of these scraps on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environ manpowert and develop workforcet. The impacts of these participations open been severest on the vuln epochble classifys often propagation(prenominal) as the aged, women and children reversing much(prenominal) than than development efforts in meshing zones (John Kusimi Julius Fobil Raymond Atuguba Isabella Erawoc Franklin Oduro Abstract Conflicts in Fed eonl Ghana a reflect of Answers to Su b-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has twain a colloquial content and a discouragingly commodious list of special(prenominal) definitions. The list includes intravenous feeding rather several(predicate) usages if the term (1) antecedent conditions to some oert shinny (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some separatewise per watchword or entity acts once against ones enkindle and (4) encounterful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from hands-off resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, encroach is an incompatibility of 2 things that can non be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms passage of arms denotes a office when deuce or much(prenominal) transcriptions or per unwrap-and- implys argon in a contradiction among them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The dispute is a contradiction, a war, whitethornbe a competition exist provided t he real interlocking condition is more greatest flair to demo violence, and where this affiance place and violence take effect, it generate more and more battles.Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, nub to cultivate) is a term that has diametric meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of acculturation in Culture a Critical retrospect of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word refining is just nigh special Kly utilise in lead basic esthesissExcellence of taste in the delightful arts and humanities, withal k forthwithn as high cultureAn interconnected pattern of human k straighta officeledge, belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic estimation and sociable learningThe set of sh bed attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, brass section or class (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. K luckhohn, (1952). Culture A Critical retrospect of Concepts and Definitions)When the purpose beginning-class honours degree emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in gardening or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or re amercementment of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of republical aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists employ the term culture to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions)Although for the approximately part ignored as organism a key constituent in the propagation of appointments, culture is an essential part of remainder and infringe resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, closelyly acting inside the parameters of a t oothless bulldog, it get through all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expect ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attri besidesions, judgments, and ideas of self and new(prenominal). Cultures argon powerful, they argon often unconscious, influencing difference and attempts to resolve negate in imperceptible ways. For the wizard individual, cultures argon a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from early(a) directions.Each of us be re put onives to multiple cultures that extend us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and evaluate. When others do not conform to our expectations, it is often a cue that our heathenishal expectations ar different and plan or projected as un-respected. We whitethorn mistake differences in the midst of others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of general feel on the part of others, not realizing th at common sense is not heathen. What is common to one group whitethorn seem strange, counter intuitive, or ill- successiond to some other. In the dividing circles of cardinal groups, culture projects a huge sense of singularity something around individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the contend group.Whether a contravene exists at all is a heathenish question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection mingled with culture and contradict cultures are embedded in almost every participation be ride conflicts move up in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when whatever of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis--vis the other, conflicts are the emerge consequences. Most peck especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts betw ixt teenagers and parents are shaped by contemporariesal culture, and conflicts in the midst of spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions betwixt co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture filtrates conflict no field of study what, some quantify pushing forth with intensity, other snip quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its mien until surprised tidy sum nearly fumble on it.For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Federal Ghana and how these said(prenominal) two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, presumption cultures important role in conflicts, it is presumptuousness little thought and consideration as it mostly label in the unconscious circle of human behavior vis--vis co nflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem be driving they besmirch cultural role and influences in the tensed seat. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it in spite of appearance this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered cultural has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely neglected to. Culture is eer a factor in conflict, whether it p enters a interchange role or influences it subtly and gently.Geographi withdrawy and histori bellowy, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 20021), comprising a spacious mosaic of several pagan groups communicate everywhere 100 local languages. blue Ghana on which this paper chargees is co-terminus with a broad acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta an d Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three governmental/ administrative regions comprising the speed West (18,476km2) and the upper berth eastern United States(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the fundamental northern limits of Ghana and the northerly Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper atomic number 99 and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and junior-grade-grade literacy rates, with funky school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. everywhere 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence market-gardening and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Population and Housing Census 2000 thickset of Final Results). at that placefore, land willpower determines to a large extent, the temper of well-disposed and power relations among the cultural groups inhabiting these three regions and has likewise been a study(ip) source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable inhomogeneous groups of people verbalize over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these motley groups deliver historical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong consumptions of primalized policy-making science chthonic the lordship of a powerful king much(prenominal) as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In youthful subject policy-making discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, in that location are also homeless or acephalous groups much(prenominal) as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore governmentally and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the expletive of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in traffic or handling them. The past 25years have witnesse d a number of destructive pagan conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea shuttle War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, mango tree and Guinea fowl Wars Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves these and more are the most juvenile (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, mango tree and Guinea Fowl Wars Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).There has been lots similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other social groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial ac tions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still existence felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and the projection of the minority groups in umpteen decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the minority, and so any little dispute between the majority and minority explodes into ethnic conflict.With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the posture of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is contri savee to conflicts among the people using the noneffervescent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the consequence virtually which most individuals normalize their relations with others only if this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul p flummox in the unique identification of the other individual. Th is however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their handed-down origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state uniquely that culture has a canny way of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism just however does with a gradual pace.Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this temper some time begin from a mere spiritualize which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our contingency the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the argue party to rise up in arms against their foes afterwardward several years of the poorly settled dispute, which evidently one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, a ll possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent policy-making so farts and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with policy-making transitions. In other words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful republic on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political mood Ghana is reputed for only the critical thing that most conflict analysts drop to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the magnetic core of most African country s government setup and kindly development. In necessitate terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and vision use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the other.The belief of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state grammatical construction contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great mutation of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize discipline homogeneity and ethnic spinal fusion thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many proposition policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which fix suspicion, play offry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same(p) group of people as is the fibe r in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in ingrained trips.In the part to a lower place discussion, most analysts in conflict close oution fun to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis--vis the heated situation and culture restrain people from giving accurate feedback.Causes of conflict in northern Ghana.The Dagbon chieftainship dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can light up in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a usageal matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of home(a) politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the whizz largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisa largishu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place know as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisa heroicu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. following(a) his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon res publicas respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon soil through wars against ab accredited peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and effected the tralatitious state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not b een found among the fender inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides.The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partially accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve round questions of succession, since the ordinances for succession tend to be rather flexible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (know variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a chemical formula of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two correspond sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the termination of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by other son Andani. Since the end of Andani in 1899, there has been in some poster an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this whirling constitutes another detect for determining the succession remains unsettled.In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the business leaderily to select a successor, and over which particular act in the creation ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rest in the hands of quadruple kingmakers. In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to xi with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection direction. The authenticity of the Committee, which credibly represented a final attempt by the British to codify the get holds and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute.In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the conniption up of the controversial selection direction. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital immensity to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the sideline of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the affair (Sibidow, 1970).One major source of conflict in juvenile times is the tradition that you do not destool a Ya Na. In source times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated custom-builts. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not out soundeousness contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an distant power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. some other source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict explicates because of the riddance from succession of the aged sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the sure-enough(a) generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their elderly brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is apparent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates break-danceure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a geomorphologic feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, belike a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict . The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the stand-in of the more conservative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more beginning.The Dagbon conflict step by step spilled over into the national political demesne over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an change magnitude interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and, since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue dead after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging new political system in the early 1950s. Both were take to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the motive(prenominal) on the opp osition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the brass CPP.11If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he strength be destooled, withdrew his last for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then impression party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked ascendant changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the inside Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its creator position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added immens eness in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of diminishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and avert by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu Andani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to bloom of youth Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969.Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited hi m into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is creditedIn trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the stemma cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and step by step interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurrence owing to it hard consequence on the larger populace.Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of soonest colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana all the same the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of garbage disposal introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some s elective chiefs who had better organise systems of traditional institution (the mainly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern province (present day Upper East) was represent into the Mamprugu Kingdom with five sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all chthonic the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put to a lower place the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom.This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial judiciary a t the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the saved territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called Nana Kana, who be tribunals and for the peckion of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the committal of the unsettled ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs.The creation of the subject Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ruled by the in the main peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system.The implication of these developments are that, wi th time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to stockpile with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture lie conflict.According to Tait, Dagomba rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the yearly tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foodstuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise specie for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at 18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two dray loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, The European says that it has got to be paid . Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba wedding ceremony disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very lofty for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extortion were frequent.Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tribes to the chiefly groups.The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor yearbookly in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most dirty of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditio ns compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage ceremony cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 199911-12). some other crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both inbred and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments precept a further deterioration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. altogether lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody willpower of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate owners hip of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor wiped out(p) himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the mature to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce election and according to slightness under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specialised claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 199421). vote down ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Ach eampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan delineate of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for trim backs and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees piece of music twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in esteem of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chiefs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime.The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule eddy this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the flagellum of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) vieed the Alhassan trace and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the blood cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian.There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is incessantly a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core expertn ess for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures.In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and penchant it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, the largelThe Role of Culture in Conflict firmness of purposeThe Role of Culture in Conflict ResolutionCASE OF DAGBON IN GHANAThe inter-relativity and connectivity of human endeavor has made conflict something unavoidable as it has come to eventually be part of the normal routine of human social interaction. Ethnic conflicts and civil wars continue to detestation many African countries especially in the last two decades. There are growing concerns about the impacts of these conflicts on sub-regional and regional stability as well as security, with adverse implications on economic growth, environment and development. The impacts of these conflicts have been severest on the vulnerable groups such as the aged, women and children reversing many development efforts in conflict zones (John Kusimi Julius Fobil Raymond Atuguba Isabella Erawoc Franklin Oduro Abstract Conflicts in Northern Ghana a reflect of Answers to Sub-Regional Stability and Security Questions). Conflict has both a colloquial meaning and a discouragingly long list of specific definitions. The list includes four rather different usages if the term (1) antecedent conditions to some overt cope (2) affective states (tension or hostility) (3) cognitive states (for example the perception that some other person or entity acts against ones interest and (4) conflictful behavior, verbal or non verbal ranging from inactive resistance to active aggression. According to Wiktionary, conflict is an incompatibility of two things that cannot be simultaneously fulfilled. In simple terms conflict denotes a situation when two or more organizations or persons are in a contradiction between them.. Conflict is more expansive than normally perceived. The conflict is a contradiction, a war, maybe a competition exist but the real conflict condition is more greatest way to express violence, and where this take place and violence take effect, it generate more and more conflicts.Culture (from the Latin cultura stemming from colere, meaning to cultivate) is a term that has different meanings. For example, in 1952, Alfred Kroeber and Clyde Kluckhohn compiled a list of 164 definitions of culture in Culture a Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions. However, the word culture is most commonly used in three basic sensesExcellence of taste in the fine arts and humanities, also known as high cultureAn combine pattern of human knowledge , belief, and behavior that depends upon the capacity for symbolic thought and social learningThe set of shared attitudes, values, goals, and practices that characterizes an institution, organization or group (Harper, Douglas (2001). Online Etymology dictionary and Kroeber, A. L. and C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions)When the concept first emerged in eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Europe, it connoted a process of cultivation or improvement, as in agriculture or horticulture. In the nineteenth century, it came to refer first to the betterment or refinement of the individual, especially through education, and then to the fulfillment of national aspirations or ideals. In the mid-nineteenth century, some scientists used the term culture to refer to a universal human capacity (C. Kluckhohn, (1952). Culture A Critical Review of Concepts and Definitions)Although largely ignored as being a key broker in the generation of conflicts, culture is an essential part of conflict and conflict resolution (LeBaron, Michelle Conflict and Culture Research in Five Communities in British Columbia, Canada). Culture, mostly acting within the parameters of a toothless bulldog, it permeate all spheres of the normal daily occurrences and it does so in the least expected ways. It serves as collating avenue which sends us messages that shape our perceptions, attributions, judgments, and ideas of self and other. Cultures are powerful, they are often unconscious, influencing conflict and attempts to resolve conflict in imperceptible ways. For the single individual, cultures are a shifting, dynamic set of starting points that orient us in particular way and away from other directions.Each of us belongs to multiple cultures that give us messages about what is normal, appropriate, and expected. When others do not visualise our expectations, it is often a cue that our cultural expectations are different and thought or projected as un-respected. W e may mistake differences between others and us for evidence of bad faith or lack of common sense on the part of others, not realizing that common sense is not cultural. What is common to one group may seem strange, counter intuitive, or awry(p) to another. In the dividing circles of two groups, culture projects a huge sense of uniqueness something most individuals would prefer to die for than to witness it degraded by the opposing group.Whether a conflict exists at all is a cultural question, and by way of mutual illustration and interconnection between culture and conflict cultures are embedded in almost every conflict because conflicts arise in human relationships. Cultures affect the ways we name, frame, blame, and attempt to tame conflicts. On the contrary, when any of the above is diverted by one cultural group vis--vis the other, conflicts are the emerging consequences. Most people especially in Africa and other parts of the globe take pride in engaging in activities with a cultural sense than advancing the course of the general good. Conflicts between teenagers and parents are shaped by generational culture, and conflicts between spouses or partners are influenced by gender culture. In organizations, conflicts arising from different disciplinary cultures escalate tensions between co-workers, creating strained or inaccurate communication and stressed relationships. Culture permeates conflict no matter what, sometimes pushing forth with intensity, other times quietly snaking along, hardly announcing its presence until surprised people nearly bollocks up on it.For this reason, this essay seeks to reconcile the role of culture in the Dagbon conflict in Northern Ghana and how these same two connections of conflicts are again intertwined for the purposes of conflict and conflict resolution. The challenge is that, given cultures important role in conflicts, it is given little thought and consideration as it mostly labelled in the unconscious circle of huma n behavior vis--vis conflicts and some approaches cultural resolution to the management and resolution of the conflict compound this problem because they minify cultural role and influences in the tensed situation. We will consider the Dagbon conflict in and try to fit it within this frame of neglect. This is because the Dagbon conflict although largely considered ethnic has a huge cultural dimension which goes largely unsupervised to. Culture is always a factor in conflict, whether it plays a central role or influences it subtly and gently.Geographically and historically, Ghana lies between latitudes 50 and 110N and longitudes 10 and 30E with a landmass of 23.9million hectares. Ghanas estimated total population is 19.5 million (GSS, 20021), comprising a vast mosaic of several ethnic groups speaking over snow local languages. Northern Ghana on which this paper focuses is co-terminus with a vast acreage of land that spans the White Volta, Black Volta and Oti River Basins. The area is divided into three political/ administrative regions comprising the Upper West (18,476km2) and the Upper East(8,842km2) regions bordering Burkina Faso in the extreme northern limits of Ghana and the Northern Region (70,384km2) to the south of Upper East and Upper West. Populations in these areas witness deep poverty levels and low literacy rates, with low school enrolment rate and inadequate health care services. everyplace 90 percent of the population in this area is engaged in subsistence agriculture and animal rearing (GSS, (2002). Population and Housing Census 2000 abridgment of Final Results). Therefore, land ownership determines to a large extent, the nature of social and power relations among the ethnic groups inhabiting these three regions and has also been a major source of conflicts among them. The three regions harbor inconceivable heterogeneous groups of people speaking over 30 local dialects. The hidden truth is that, most of these heterogeneous groups have histor ical connections dating back to the sixteenth century. The sociocultural organization of most of these peoples of the northern belt is patrilineal with a strong tradition of centralized administration under the lordship of a powerful king such as the Mossi-Dagbani Kingdoms. In recent national political discussions, the Mossi-Dagbani groups are referred to as the major tribes in Northern Ghana. However, there are also stateless or acephalous groups such as the Konkomba and the Tallensi. Therefore politically and administratively, there are a lot of historical and present day commonalities. This is what causes and infact possesses the bane of shock when it comes to the issue of conflicts and the most effective tools in dealing or handling them. The past 25years have witnessed a number of destructive ethnic conflicts in Northern Ghana. The very explosive ones are those of 1980 (Konkombas against Nanumbas) and the Guinea Fowl War of 1994 (between the Konkombas on one hand and Nanumbas, Dagombas and Gonjas on the other hand) (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, mango tree and Guinea Fowl Wars Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).In 1980/86 and 2000, Mamprusis and Kusasis went to war in Bawku. Dagombas also fought among themselves these and more are the most recent (and of which this essay critical look) of these intra-Dagbon clashes were those between the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi, in 2002 (Brukum J. N. K, The Pito, mango tree and Guinea Fowl Wars Episodes in the History of Northern Ghana, 1980-1999).There has been much similar communal violence among the Gonjas and other ethnic groups in the Northern Region of Ghana. A critical assessment of the causes of most of these conflicts can be traced to colonial and post-colonial actions of governments. This certainly is no news as the impedes of colonialism is still being felt in Africa today. Certain actions and in-actions of governments have led to the marginalization, deprivation, exploitation and t he exclusion of the minority groups in many decision-making processes and governance issues that affect them. This has led to dissatisfaction among the minority, thus any little dispute between the majority and minority explodes into ethnic conflict.With these analysis deduced, let us now try to envisage how the presence of culture among the people in the northern hemisphere of Ghana is impart to conflicts among the people using the silent pistol. Culture, as already noted, forms the core most which most individuals normalize their relations with others but this relationship does take a different dimension when one gets the slightest hint of foul play in the unique identification of the other individual. This however differs from ethnocentrism, where people openly act and portray the supposedly uniqueness of their traditional origin and heritage over that of others and to some extent cause others to follow their fray. It is important to state uniquely that culture has a canny wa y of taking on the characteristics of ethnocentrism but however does with a gradual pace.Due to the heritagecal and ancestral dimension of culture, conflicts resulting from culture and cultural practices do occur undetected for a very long time. Conflict of this nature sometimes begin from a mere laud which is interpreted to downgrade or cast the other sides image into disrepute. At times it start with a poorly resolved dispute (in our case the Andani and the Abudu Gates in Yendi) which forces the youths of the opposing party to rise up in arms against their foes after several years of the poorly settled dispute, which on the face of it one party wasnt satisfied with. When this happens, all possible gates of negotiations are closed due to the lengthy or at times the generational nature it usually takes to emerge in full scale. Recent political events and expression also mean the relaxation in conflict in one side and subsequent uprising in other with political transitions. In othe r words, the envisioned premise is ignoring the cultural dimension of conflicts by most Ghanaian governments with the impression that Ghana is the most peaceful nation on earth. Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction ended up taking sides. Culture, with the trait of a silent killer largely goes undetected due the stable political humor Ghana is reputed for but the critical thing that most conflict analysts fail to take into consideration is that conflicts of this nature are intra-tribal rather than taking on the general good or in the form of civil wars, which has stalled the core of most African countrys government setup and social development. In critical terms, a cursory look at all historical conflict on the African region reveals tremendous ethnic and religious inclinations, albeit many of them also have subtle causal relationship with land and resource use, which could be a core of protest of one group against the oth er.The concept of nationhood/statehood is misplaced in many African nation state edifice contexts. Nations on the African continent, unconsciously motivated by the great assortment of ethnic groups, continue to trivialize national homogeneity and ethnic optical fusion thus allowing for powerful disaggregated ethnic formations. The inevitable tendency of this phenomenon is that, many national policies by governments tend to be ethnocentric and is some unconscious instances cultural, which piddle suspicion, rivalry, discontent, mistrust and enmity among different ethnic groups or even within the same group of people as is the case in northern Ghana, resulting in ethnic conflicts and civil wars in extreme cases.In the case under discussion, most analysts in conflict prevention turn to focus solely on the tribal or ethnic sentiments forgetting that there cultural influences even on professional judgments vis--vis the heated situation and culture prevent people from giving accurate f eedback.Causes of conflict in northern Ghana.The Dagbon chieftaincy dispute is a good example of the passions that chieftaincy issues can come alive in Ghana, and of the extent to which these matters have become politicised. In the Dagbon case, a traditional matter has become the main subject of local politics as well as an issue of national politics. The Dagomba people or Dagbamba as they call themselves, constitute the single largest ethnic group in Northern Ghana. They speak the Dagbani language, a subgroup of the Mole-Dagbani family of languages, which belongs to the much larger Gur with starting the Dagbon migrations from Mali to what is now the Upper East Region of Ghana. Here he married Sihisabigu, the daughter of a Tindana in a place known as Bion, and eventually replaced the Tindana after assassinating him. Kpagunimbu and Sihisabigu had twin sons called Nyamzisheli and Nyarigili, who are believed to be the ancestors of the Talinsi and Nabdam ethnic groups of the Upper East Region. succeeding(a) his exploits as a warrior, the King of Grumah, Abudu Rahamani married off his daughter, Suhuyini, to Kpagunimbu. Suhuyini gave birth to Gbewaa, two of whose sons Tohugu and Sitobu founded the Mamprugu and Dagbon kingdoms respectively. Sitobus son, Nyagsi, who reigned between 1416 and 1432, expanded the Dagbon kingdom through wars against aboriginal peoples throughout what is now present-day Dagbon. Thus the Dagbamba came to the area they now occupy as conquerors and conventional the traditional state of Dagbon, bringing with them the institution of chieftaincy, which had not been found among the original inhabitants. The Dagbon capital is Yendi where the King, whose title is Ya Na, resides.The Dagbamba are strongly attached to the institution of chieftaincy, which partly accounts for the intensity with which conflicts over chieftaincy are carried out. Conflicts tend to revolve around questions of succession, since the rules for succession tend to be rather fl exible and allow for a number of candidates. Part of the current dispute (known variously as the Dagbon conflict or the Yendi chieftaincy affairs) hinges on whether or not it is a rule of tradition that succession to the throne should alternate between two rival sections of the royal family. These two sections originated in the late nineteenth century, following the death of Ya Na Yakubu who was succeeded first by his son Abudulai and then by another son Andani. Since the death of Andani in 1899, there has been in some broadsheet an alternation between descendants of the two brothers, and the extent to which this rotation constitutes another rule for determining the succession remains unsettled.In addition to the question of rotation between the two families, there is also disagreement over who has the right to select a successor, and over which particular act in the institution ceremony makes one a Ya Na. Formally, the selection of a successor rest in the hands of four kingmakers . In 1948, the membership of the kingmakers was expanded to football team with the addition of seven divisional chiefs to form a selection committee. The authenticity of the Committee, which probably represented a final attempt by the British to codify the rules and procedures of succession to the Yendi skin, has been in dispute.In the 1940s, the educated elite of Dagbon most of whom were from its royal families played a major role in the set up of the controversial selection committee. The institution of the selection committee coincided with the era of active pre-independence politics, and the pioneer-educated elite was poised to exploit the situation. Having a king who was more amenable to their political ambitions was of vital importance to them. By 1954, there were complaints that the committee system was adopted to protect the interest of the Abudulai family and ultimately eliminate the Andani family from the contest (Sibidow, 1970).One major source of conflict in modern ti mes is the tradition that you do not destool a Ya Na. In former times, a Ya Na who proved unacceptable was simply killed. As this is no longer a practical alternative, once installed a Ya Na cannot be destooled even if he is found to have violated customs. Thus Dagbon custom as a whole is ambiguous on this point if not outright contradictory (Ladouceur, 1972). Such an implicit ambiguity facilitates the intervention of an outback(a) power to settle outstanding disagreements as to the correct interpretation of tradition. It also serves not only to foment disputes but also to sustain them. some other source of the Dagbon conflict is intergenerational in nature. Intergenerational conflict arises because of the exclusion from succession of the senior sons of a king by his junior brothers. Conversely, the junior brothers in the old generation could find themselves excluded by the sons of their senior brother. According to Ferguson et al. (1970), the critical nature of exclusion is appar ent. By virtue of the Dagbon rule that no son may assume a higher rank in society than his father, a candidates failure to attain office carries with it the implication that none of his descendants may ever aspire to it. Intergenerational conflict appears then to be a structural feature for succession to higher office in Dagbon. There is, however, probably a contingent association between such conflicts and the polarization between rival factions that is also a characteristic feature of the conflict. The candidates from the senior generation may tend to attract the support of the more conservative factions and those from the junior generation, that of the more radical.The Dagbon conflict gradually spilled over into the national political domain of a function over the years as each side mustered what forces it could with politicians taking an change magnitude interest in this and other chieftaincy disputes. Each side in the Dagbon dispute has articulate well-educated spokesmen and , since 1954, prominent national political figures as well. It was largely through their activities that the dispute became a political issue concisely after independence. On the Abudu side was Alhaji Yakubu Tali, Tolon Na, while the Andani side had J.H. Alhassan. Both men had become prominent figures in both Dagbon affairs and in the emerging modern political system in the early 1950s. Both were elected to the Gold Coast Legislative Assembly in 1951 and to Parliament in 1954, the former on the opposition regional NPP ticket and the latter to the administration CPP.11If politicians can make use of their power base in the modern political system to interfere in traditional affairs, some traditional rulers are also quite capable of seizing opportunities presented by national politics to consolidate their own positions. Ya Na Abudulai III, sensing that he might be destooled, withdrew his support for the opposition and together with his followers, including Alhaji Yakubu Tali, joined the then govern party, the CPP, en bloc in 1958. Political interference in the Dagbon conflict continued with changes in government. The overthrow of the Kwame Nkrumah government in 1966 marked radical changes in official ideology and priorities. In general terms, the policy of the National Liberation Council (NLC), the military regime, in traditional matters was to restore chieftaincy to its former position and reduce government interference. However, chieftaincy affairs took on an added importance in post-coup Ghana and government interference increased instead of diminishing. In the case of the Yendi dispute, government interference was taken to new heights when in September 1969, the selection and enskinment of Ya Na Andani III was declared null and void by the NLC government. It was felt that a factor in this decision that had objectively benefited the Abudulai family was the presence of B. A. Yakubu, a family supporter, in the NLC government. Thus the murder of Ya Na Yakubu A ndani II in March 2002 took place during a time when the NPP government, successor to rosiness Minister K. A. Busias party which succeeded the NLC, was in power was seen as significant. It succeeded in evoking memories of the killings in the Gbewaa palace in 1969.Zamfara state of the early Hausa kingdom. Drum history9, however, traces the origin of the Dagbon kingdom to ancient Mali whose king had been so impressed with the exploits of Toha-zhie, a wandering hunter, that he recruited him into his service. Toha-Zhie eventually married one of the daughters of the King of Mali called Paga-wobga, who bore him a son Kpagunimbu. Kpagunimbu is creditedIn trying to capture the role of culture in conflict especially in the Ghanaian context, it becomes imperative to trace the root cause of the conflict, taking a cue from the cultural dimension and gradually interpreting it in the resolution process. The idea is that, conflict no matter the ferocity, scholarship must seek to stop it occurren ce owing to it viscous consequence on the larger populace.Thus there are two principal lines being the prime movers behind the culture-led conflicts among the northern hemisphere of Ghana. The first of such, which has been partially discussed on the geographical notations in starting this conflict, is without doubt actions of earlier colonial governments. Many ethnic groups in Northern Ghana as yet the introduction of indirect rule in Ghana in 1932 peacefully co-existed. The indirect rule system of administration introduced in 1932 by the colonial governors (Britain) vested political and administrative powers in the hands of some selected chiefs who had better create systems of traditional administration (the chiefly people, i.e. Dagomba, Nanumba, Gonja etc.). For instance, the Ya-Na of East-Dagbon was given traditional cum administrative authority over the Konkomba and Chokosi who is quite culturally different ethnic from the Dagomba. The north-eastern obligation (present day U pper East) was constituted into the Mamprugu Kingdom with five sub-divisions as Mamprugu, Kusasi, Frafra, Gurensi and Builsa all under the Lordship of the Nayiri as the paramount chief of Mamprusi. Similarly, the Nawuri, Nchumuru, Mo and Vagala were put under the Yagbonwurura of Gonja kingdom.This administrative initiative was implemented by Chief Commissioner Armitage. This was done for political and administrative expediency because the colonial administration at the time did not have sufficient logistics and personnel to govern the entire colony, especially the protected territories in Northern Ghana. Subsequently, there was the introduction of local police called Nana Kana, who constituted tribunals and for the collection of taxes and tried general cases except criminal ones. This enhanced the trueness of the stateless ethnic groups to the paramount chiefs.The creation of the National Territorial Council (NTC) in 1938 for chiefs further increased the administrative authority of these chiefs. According to colonial writers such as Blair, Rattray, Tait, Cardinalland Manoukian, although the colonial administration imposed chiefs for administrative purposes, the acephalous people never accepted them, thus, they were never ruled by the chiefly peoples, but were only raided periodically. The chiefly groups extorted monies from the stateless groups as fines, especially through the chiefly court system.The implication of these developments are that, with time emotional sentiments and passions are brought to pay with general official arrangements which gradually leads one side to call for changes. If the call is not heeded by the authorities involved, one side feels cheated and with the lapse of time lead to ethnic based but largely culture lie conflict.According to Tait, Dagomba rule was limited to sporadic raids to obtain slaves needed for the annual tribute to the Ashanti. From time to time, local tax collectors were sent to Konkomba territory to collect foods tuff such as millet, sorghum, yam, and maize, which was sold in the markets to raise bullion for the local chief. In 1950, some Konkombas were stopped by Dagombas on their way to Yendi market and their head-loads of new yam taken (which was valued at 18), and in the same year when the Ya Na was fined in the District Commissioners court, two camion loads of sorghum were collected in Saboba region alone on the grounds that, The European says that it has got to be paid. Also according to Skalnik (1983 in Katanga,1994, pp21), Konkomba marriage disputes accounted for a large source of income for the court of the Bimbilla-Naa. Thus it became very uncommon for a Konkomba to appeal to the District Commissioner on cases of injustices, though instances of this sort of extortion were frequent.Similarly, the lay magistrate often without really solving the dispute to any sides satisfaction took bribes from both parties. The cumulative effect of this was total allegiance of these non-chiefly tr ibes to the chiefly groups.The Konkombas for instance were compelled to give some days as free labor annually in the farms of Nanumba/Dagombas chiefs and the compulsory donation of a hind leg of any big animal killed wild or domesticated to Nanumba chiefs. Probably the most unsportsmanlike of these injustices was that, Konkombas were not allowed to settle even petty quarrels among themselves including matrimonial ones, even as late as the 20th century. These conditions compelled Konkombas to request for their own tribunal under Ali, an ex-soldier, domiciled in Bimbilla, to settle petty disputes particularly marriage cases. This proposal was vehemently rejected and attempts were made to eject Ali from Bimbilla, culminating into a heated atmosphere (Brukum, 199911-12). other crucial notation is post colonial government arrangements both internal and external in Ghanas northern region. Several uncharacteristic and unscrupulous actions of post-colonial governments saw a further deteri oration in the social friction between the chiefly and non-chiefly ethnic groups which were largely operated by land administration policies. every lands in Northern Ghana were protected and were under the custody ownership of the Tendaanas (Earth-shrine Priest) and not chiefs. The chief (Na or Ubor) in the north wielded only political power. The Tendaana was the highest office held by the autochthonous tribes, and consisted legitimate ownership of the land which even extended over chiefs. The Na/Ubor never dared to arrogate to himself, the duties of the Tendaana. Infact, the Na/Ubor low-toned himself before him and appeared disguised as poor when occasions arose for him to visit the Tendaana. This is because the Tendaana not only owned the land, but he is the only person known to the spirit of the land. Hence it was the Tendaana that had the right to give out lands. It was believed that, the Chief did not grant farming lands to individuals. He is considered not to have any right over farms. Tindaamba (another name for Tendaana) still have power over chiefs and are feared. During this era, land was not a scarce resource and according to airiness under such conditions neither individuals nor kin groups bother to lay specific claims to large tracts of territory, since land is virtually a free good (Katanga, 199421).Land ownership in northern Ghana came under the custody of chiefs in 1978 during the Acheampong regime when a law was passed vesting all northern lands into the hands of selected ethnic groups chiefs (notice the connection of the emergence of the intra-ethnic conflict between the Abudu and Andani Gates which will take several years to assume full scale) and left out most other groups. The criteria for vesting the lands in the hands of these few chiefs were based on the recommendations of Alhassan give notice (of) of 1978, which were backed by the Minister for Lands and Mineral Resources, both Dagombas (another watchful area, dealing with cultures involvement in conflict). Indeed the Alhassan Committees Report twisted the truth about the land tenure arrangements in Northern Ghana in favor of the chiefs and his tribesmen and the other chiefly people. These reforms in Northern Ghana Land administration were implemented by the then Government to solicit for political support from the Northern Chiefs for the UNIGOV System (Unity Government). With the failure of the Acheampong government however, these legislations were abrogated as the reins of government was overtaken by another military regime.The ceasure of the reins of government and the subsequent decree rule change by reversal this trend of land principles laid down by the previous administration and has ever since been the bane of confrontation between brothers in the different sides of the same group as is the case of the Dagbon conflict. The Konkomba Youth Association (KOYA) contested the Alhassan Report and has repeatedly pointed out that, the report has been the root cause of the three major ethnic conflicts and twenty minor ones between the chiefdoms. The jejune with these quack legislations is that they turn to outlive their significance with the transition of government, something that is purely not in the interest of the rural Ghanaian.There is no one-size-fits-all approach to conflict resolution, since culture is always a factor. Cultural fluency is therefore a core might for those who intervene in conflicts or simply want to function more effectively in their own lives and situations. Cultural fluency involves recognizing and acting respectfully from the knowledge that communication, ways of naming, framing, and taming conflict, approaches to meaning-making, and identities and roles vary across cultures.In retrospect, culture as a key factor in conflict generation and orientation it that of a silent creeper. The kind that is in no way given premise by conflict analysts as being the prime cause in conflict situations. In the other words, t he largel